Trusting Khomeini

February 16, 1979 | © The New York Times

By Richard Falk

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President Carter and Zbigniew Brzezinski have until very recently associated him with religious fanaticism. The news media have defamed him in many ways, associating him with efforts to turn the clock back 1,300 years, with virulent anti-Semitism, and with a new political disorder, “theocratic fascism,” about to be set loose on the world. About the best he has fared has been to be called (by Newsweek) “Iran’s Mystery Man”.

The historical record of revolutionary zeal’s degenerating into excess is such as to temper enthusiasm about Iran’s future. Nevertheless, there are hopeful signs, including the character and role of Ayatollah Khomeini.

An early test of his prospects is being posed by the outbreaks of violence in Teheran and elsewhere in the country. Some chaos at this stage of the revolutionary conflict was virtually inevitable, given the cleavages and climate of intensity in Iran. It is uncertain that Ayatollah Khomeini can control the extreme left or even those segments of his own followers who bear arms. What happens in the next few days is likely to determine both whether the movement’s largely nonviolent record will be spoiled further and whether a new political order can be successfully brought into existence.

In recent months, before his triumphant return to Teheran, the Ayatollah gave numerous reassurances to non-Moslem communities in Iran. He told Jewish-community leaders that it would be a tragedy if many of the 80,000 Jews left the country. Of course, this view is qualified by his hostility to Israel because of its support of the Shah and its failure to resolve the Palestinian question.

He has also indicated that the non-religious left will be free to express its views in an Islamic republic and to participate in political life, provided only that it does not “commit treason against the country” by establishing foreign connections–a lightly-veiled reference to anxiety about Soviet interference. What the left does in coming days will likely indicate whether it will be seen as treasonous.

To suppose that Ayatollah Khomeini is dissembling seems almost beyond belief. His political style is to express his real views defiantly and without apology, regardless of consequences. He has little incentive suddenly to become devious for the sake of American public opinion. Thus, the depiction of him as fanatical, reactionary and the bearer of crude prejudices seems certainly and happily false.

What is also encouraging is that his entourage of close advisers is uniformly composed of moderate, progressive individuals.

In the political background, of course, is a strong, active sense of deference to the views and judgment of Ayatollah Khomeini. This is not a matter of coercion, or even agreement, but of the special character of the movement. It is inconceivable, for instance, for someone as devout as Mr. Bazargan to govern without manifesting, naturally and without any compulsion, acute sensitivity to the values of Shiite Islam, including responsiveness to Ayatollah Khomeini’s views. Yet, as every religious leader is quick to underscore, the Shiite tradition is flexible in its approach to the Koran and evolves interpretations that correspond to the changing needs and experience of the people. What is distinctive, perhaps, about this religious orientation is its concern with resisting oppression and promoting social justice.

In looking to the future, Ayatollah Khomeini has spoken of his hopes to show the world what a genuine Islamic government can do on behalf of its people. He has made clear frequently that he scorns what he considers to be the so-called Islamic Governments in Saudi Arabia, Libya and Pakistan.

Despite the turbulence, many non-religious Iranians talk of this period as “Islam’s finest hour”. Having created a new model of popular revolution based, for the most part, on nonviolent tactics, Iran may yet provide us with a desperately-needed model of humane governance for a third-world country. If this is true, then indeed the exotic Ayatollah may yet convince the world that “politics is the opiate of the people”.

Richard Falk, professor of international law at Princeton University, recently visited the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in France.

Original Source

February 16, 1979 | © The New York Times

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